Charming,
vain, idle spendthrift, this is how W.L.Warren in his biography of
Henry's father, describes the Young King. Shallow, careless, empty
headed, incompetent, irresponsible, etc., he continues in a similar
vain. Why do I get the impression that Mr Warren judges the book by a
cover? The accusations are flying around, but no one cares to
determine whether they have a base in solid evidence. Funnily enough,
they have given me food for thought and inspired to take a closer
look at the primary sources available. Step by step, my research has
led me to the following conclusions.
Charming
Undoubtly
Henry was charming. Even those hostile grudgingly admit that his
charm was his most formidable weapon. Gerald of Wales, usually at his
malicious best when wrting about Henry's family, marvelled at how
people flocked to the young Henry's side "one thing appeares
almost miraculous, namely, that almost all the world attached
themselves to a man who was totally without resources, either in
money or territory.” He
was praised for 'most pleasing manners' (Robert of Torigni), but also
as the one 'gracious to all', 'amiable to all' and 'incapable of
making an enemy' (Gervase of Tilbury). Moreover, the author of the
History of William Marshal referred to Henry as a worthy, fine,
well-spoken and courtly man, 'courteous and cheerful'. Similarly
Bertran de Born, the famous belicose troubadour praised him for 'fair
conversation”. Walter Map, despite his harsh (albeit flowery)
criticism, admitted that the Young King possessed rhetorical skill
and excelled himself at courtly discourse, the important aspect of
kingship. As Professor Crouch put it: "Stories of Young Henry's
wit and playful humour circulated widely in the twelfth century”
(Tournament, p.26). Apart from the conventional praises the following
words by the author of the History ring true: "But if God
please, the young king Henry will restore fun, laughter and joy to
the world. Much telling remark by the author of the History. Fun,
laughter and joy.... Are they not atributes of a charming young man?
Vain
We
can only guess whether Henry was vain or not. Blessed with good
looks, crowned king in his father's lifetime and destined to rule
over the greatest empire since Charlemagne, he might have shown some
signs of vanity. However, it is mere speculation. The basic definion
of the word is: "conceited, especially about one's appearance”
and this, after so many centuries, cannot be proved. I received
impression that for the author it was only natural to use the
pejorative term to describe someone good looking and charming. That
Henry was good looking we can be certain of. In this aspect the Young
King's contemoporaries seem to be unanimous and offer us sufficient
proof:
"He
was tall in stature, and distinguished in appearance... Fair among
children of men” from Otia Imperialia by Gervase of Tilbury,
Henry's former chaplain, written in the early 13th century for
Henry's nephew, Otto of Brunswick, Holy Roman Emperor (1175-1218).
"Of
his beauty, of his largesse, of his goodness, of his prowess, you
could say much” and "King Henry the young was acclaimed king
who was so handsome and brave and a noble young man”. From The
Becket Leaves, written by the anonymous author (one of the candidates
is Matthew Paris) in the 13th century (http://www.angelfire.com/pa4/becketleaves/becketleaveseng6.html).
"They
[Henry and Richard] were both tall in stature, rather above the
middle size. And of commanding aspect”. From The Topography of
Ireland (On Henry II and his sons), written by Gerald of Wales
c.1188.
"..
the attractive tinder of villainy, a lovely place of
sin…” From De
nugis curialium by Walter
Map
Tall,
distinguished in appearance, fair (meaning either with light-coloured
hair or skin or simply beautiful), beautiful, handsome, attractive,
lovely... Yes, Henry WAS good looking, but does this make him vain?
Idle
It
seems that the source of Henry's poshumous problems in this field
might have been the harsh criticism of the modern historians,
especially Kate Norgate, who formed the following judgement: "Not
one deed is recorded of him save deeds of the meanest ingratitiude,
selfishness, cowardiness and treachery.” Merciless, isn't it ? But
perhaps the author was just paraphrasing the words of Walter Map, who
wrote "Truly,
he left nothing unprobed, no stone unturned; he befouled the whole
world with his treasons, a prodigy of unfaith and prodigal of ill, a
limpid spring of wickedness, the originator of the heresy of
traitors…”
Of
course Henry could not boast of deeds
similar to those performed by his younger brother Richard [later
Lionheart], who enjoyed more freedom in ruling his
inheritance, Aquitaine. Already in
1176, the
then eighteen year old duke lead a successful campaign against
his rebellious vassals, pacifying larger part of his unruly
duchy, and forced the Basques and Navarrese to recognize his
authority. This,
however, does not mean that Henry was idle. At least he did not see
it that way. Often accused of "playing at war” and participating
in "mock battles”, he, as most of the young aristocrats of the
12th century, found that participating in tournaments made him a "man
of account”. When he was forced to spend a year in England at his
father's side, learning the bisuness of kingship, he did not try to
hide his discontent. He was to say:
"It
should be a source of much harm to me to stay idle for so long, and I
am extremely vexed by it. I am no bird to be mewed up; a young man
who does not travel around could never aspire to any worthwhile
thing, and he should be regarded as of no account”
Note
what the Young King takes for "idle”. Perhaps it's the matter
of views and attitude of the entire generation of the young
aristocracy. As Professor Crouch points out: "Everyone who
was anyone in the western aritocracies took to the fields of nothern
France... It [taking part in tournaments] gave him [Henry] an
international eminence unsurpassed by any European prince other than
his cousin, Philip of Flanders. It was an eminence raised upon the
regard of other princes and the adoration of the leaders of knightly
opinion: those who travelled the tournament fields of Picardy and
Flanders” (Tournament, p.23)
The
full scale of his popularity was properly assessed after his untimely
death by Bertarn de Born in
his moving planh:
"… all
those, who saw you, Bretons and Irishmen, Englishmen and Normans,
Aquitainians and Gascons, should be sad… And Poitou suffers,
and Maine,
and Tours.
As far as Compiegne letFrance weep
without ceasing, and Flanders from Ghent as
far as Wissant. Even the Germans weep!... When theLorraines and
the Brabancons go tourneying, they will mourn because they don’t
see you!"
Although
there were single voices admitting that tournaments arose "not
from animosities but solely for training and the display of prowess”
(William of Newburgh ) the Church thought otherwise and was against
such military contents, in which "knights waste away their
patrimony, their efforts and even their life and soul, simply out of
greed for empty praise and popular reputation”** (Ralph Niger).
This outlook prevailed of course and cast a shadow on Henry's life.
The life too short to assess it properly, for before Henry had chance
to prove himself worthy of his royal title his life was cut short in
the flower of his youth
Spendthrift
This
accustaion seems to have good grounds. Even the author of the History
of William Marshal admits that: "It
is true that the Young King, in castle and in town, led such a lavish
life that, when it came to the end of his stay, he had no idea how to
take his leave. When it came to the last day, creditors would appear,
men who had supplied him with horses, garments, a nd victuals. This
man is owed three hundred pounds; this one a hundred and that one two
hundred.”... "My lord has no cash with him, but you shall have
it within a month”.*
From
the above picture the young king emerges as a careless spendthrift
and perennial debtor, but coming to his defence I need to point out
that this paarticular trait of his character might have spring from
his own conviction that "he had lost a day when he had not
secured the attachement of many by various acts of liberality, and
bound them to him, body and soul, by multiplied favors conferred”
(Gerald of Wales). The words which the author of The History of William Marshal confirms: "his [Henry's] heart was very much set on pleasing everybody, wise and foolish alike, for such was his wont that he was incapable of refusing anything to any man". He bestowed gifts and favours on his friends and
household knights, which Bertarn de Born called "noble
hospitality and giving without fickle heart” rather than
profligacy. Unfortunately Henry's largesse almost always esceeded his
income (which came from his father's purse). Thanks
to the author of the History of William Marshal we get the full scale
of Henry's generosity. On the occassion of the great tournament held
at Lagny-sur-Marne in November 1179 he had with him more than two
hundred knights and "whoever
was under his command, received twenty shilings a day for each man he
had with him from the moment they left their own lands, whether they
were on the move or in lodgings.” One can only
marvel. According to the author of the History no later patron of the
tournament was as generous as Henry and Gervase of Tiblury seconds
this, lamenting that with his late lord's generosity lost "the
world went begging”.
To
sum up, Henry the Young King was a charming, generous spendthrift,
but we do not have sufficient grounds to call him vain or idle. His
tournament patronage and participating in virtually all possible
knightly contests stemmed from his personal beliefs and opinions,
which mirrorred the opinions and beliefs of the entire generation,
rather than from idleness. Furthermore, we cannot forget that Henry'e
father himself was partly responsible for Henry's lack of
opportunities to prove himself in other fields. Let me quote
Professor Crouch yet one more time and may his eloquence serve the
Young King better than heroic, albeit strenuous efforts
of his Polish scribe.
"He
[Henry] was an exceptionally handsome young man, and his beauty was a
part of his personal charisma. People felt instantly moved by close
contact with him, in way that they did not by his plain and sarcastic
father, who tended to intimidate and overawe. This instant sympathy
towards Young Henry was cemented into real affection if contact
turned into conversation. He was approachable, charming, and without
much need to impose his social eminence on those around him. …
wherever he went, counts, dukes and barons clamoured to approach him,
to be of use to him, to entertain him and hope for an invitation to
his table.” (Tournament, p.26).
* You
may find it flippant, but every time I picture the scene in my mind's
eye what I see leads me to the following conclusion: no one, not even
the afore-mentioned creditors, could remain angry with their young
overlord for long
**
Henry's younger brother Geoffrey, Duke of Brittany (1158-1186) died
tragically from the injuries he received in the tournament accident
three years after Henry's untimely death. Just like his elder brother
he was twenty-eight.
Sources:
William
Marshal. Court Career and Chivalry in the Angevin Empire 1147-1219 by
David Crouch. Harlow, 1990.
The
History of William Marshal. Online
resources.
England
under the Norman and Angevin Kings 1075-1225 by
Robert Bartlett. Oxford, 2000.
Henry
II by W. L. Warren. Google Books.
The
Poems of the Troubadour Bertran de Born Ed.
by William D.Paden, Tilde Sankovitch and Patricia H. Stäblein.
University of California Press, 1986.
Otia
Imperialia by
Gervase of Tilbury. Fragments in “On the Instruction of a Prince:
the Upbringing of Henry, the Young King” by Matthew Strickland
in Henry
II: New Interpretations.
Ed. Christopher Harper-Bill and Nicholas Vincent. Woodbridge:
Boydell Press, 2007
Chronicle of
Robert of Torigni. Fragments in “On the Instruction of a Prince:
the Upbringing of Henry, the Young King” by Matthew Strickland
in Henry
II: New Interpretations.
Ed. Christopher Harper-Bill and Nicholas Vincent. Woodbridge:
Boydell Press, 2007
De
nugis curialium by
Walter Map. Fragments in “On the Instruction of a Prince: the
Upbringing of Henry, the Young King” by Matthew Strickland in Henry
II: New Interpretations.
Ed. Christopher Harper-Bill and Nicholas Vincent. Woodbridge:
Boydell Press, 2007.
“Gerald
of Wales: On Henry II and his Sons, from the Topography of
Ireland, chapters 49-50” fromThe
Historical Works of Giraldus Cambrensis.
Translated by Thomas Forester; revised by Thomas Wright. Etext file
created for a class by Scott Mcletchie. Reproduced
in Paul Hassal, ed.the Internet
Medieval Source Book. Fordham University
England under
the Angevin Kings, Vol. II by
Kate Norgate. Internet Archive of University of Toronto Libraries.
Tournament by
David Crouch, Hambledon and London, 2005.
Richard
the Lionheart by
John Gillingham. Wiedenfeld and Nicolson, 1989.
